Today’s Elections and the
War on Terror
By Orson Scott Card
Editor’s note:
This essay was originally published in The Rhinoceros Times
of Greensboro, North Carolina, and is reprinted here with the
permission of the author. The views expressed in this
column are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect
the editorial policy of Meridian Magazine.
There is only one issue in this
election that will matter five or ten years from now, and that’s
the War on Terror.
And the success of the War on Terror
now teeters on the fulcrum of this election.
If control of the House passes
into Democratic hands, there are enough withdraw-on-a-timetable
Democrats in positions of prominence that it will not only seem
to be a victory for our enemies, it will be one.
Unfortunately, the opposite is
not the case — if the Republican Party remains in control of
both houses of Congress there is no guarantee that the outcome
of the present war will be favorable for us or anyone else.
But at least there will be a chance.
I say this as a Democrat, for whom
the Republican domination of government threatens many values
that I hold to be important to Americas role as a light among
nations.
But there are no values
that matter to me that will not be gravely endangered if we
lose this war. And since the Democratic Party seems hell-bent
on losing it — and in the most damaging possible way — I have
no choice but to advocate that my party be kept from getting
its hands on the reins of national power, until it proves itself
once again to be capable of recognizing our core national interests
instead of its own temporary partisan advantages.
To all intents and purposes, when
the Democratic Party jettisoned Joseph Lieberman over the issue
of his support of this war, they kicked me out as well. The
party of Harry Truman and Daniel Patrick Moynihan — the party
I joined back in the 1970s — is dead. Of suicide.
The “War on Terror”
I recently read an opinion piece
in which the author ridiculed the very concept of a “war on
terror,” saying that it makes as much sense as if, after Pearl
Harbor, FDR had declared a “war on aviation.”
Without belaboring the obvious
shortcomings of the analogy, I will agree with the central premise.
The name “war on terror” clearly conceals the fact that we are
really at war with specific groups and specific nations; we
can no more make war on a methodology than we can make war on
nitrogen.
However, there are several excellent
reasons why “War on Terror” is the only possible name for this
war.
1.This is not
a war that can be named for any particular nation or region.
To call it “The Iraq War” or the “Afghanistan War” would lead
to the horrible mistake of thinking that victory would consist
of toppling certain governments and then going home.
In fact, it is precisely the
name “War in Iraq” that is leading to the deep misconceptions
that drive the Democratic position on the war. If this were
in fact a war on Iraq, then in one sense we won precisely
when President Bush declared victory right after we occupied
Baghdad. And in another sense, we might not see victory for
another five years, or even a decade — a decade in which Americans
will be dying alongside Iraqis. For a “War in Iraq” to linger
this way is almost too painful to contemplate.
But we are not waging a “War
in Iraq.” We are waging a world war, in which the campaigns
to topple the governments of Iraq and Afghanistan were brilliantly
successful, and the current “lukewarm” war demands great patience
and determination from the American people as we ready ourselves
for the next phase.
2. We cannot
name this war for our actual enemies, either, because there
is no way to name them accurately without including some form
of the word “Islam” or “Muslim.”
It is our enemies who want
to identify this as a war between Islam and the West. If we
allow this to happen, we run the risk of achieving the worst
of all possible outcomes: The unification of one or both of
the great factions of worldwide Islam under a single banner.
President Bush and his administration
have shown their grasp of our present danger by stoutly resisting
all attempts to rename this war. We call it a “War on Terror”
because that allows us to cast it, not as a war against the
Muslim people, with all their frustrations and hopes, but a
war in which most Muslims are not our enemies at all.
That can be galling for many Americans.
When, after the fall of the towers on 9/11, Palestinians and
others poured into the streets, rejoicing, it was tempting to
say, “A plague on all of them!”
But it is precisely those people
— the common people of the Muslim world, most of whom hate us
(or claim to hate us, when asked by pollsters in police states)
— whom we must treat as if they were not our enemies. They
are the ones we must win over for us to have any hope of victory
without a bloodbath poured out on most of the nations of the
world.
Nation Building
Another charge against the Bush
administrations conduct of the war is that they are engaged
in the hopeless task of “nation-building.” And this is true
— except for the word “hopeless.”
But what is the alternative? I’ve
heard several, each more disastrous and impossible and even
shameful than the one before.
In the New Testament, Jesus once
used the analogy of a person who was possessed by a devil.
When you cast out the devil, don't you leave an empty house,
swept clean, to which seven devils will now come to live, making
things worse than ever?
No matter which miserable dictatorship
we moved against after the Taliban — and we had no choice
but to keep moving on if we were to eradicate the grave danger
we faced (and face) — we would have faced the same problem in
Syria or Iraq or Sudan that we had in Afghanistan: We had to
establish order in a nation that had never actually become a
nation.
The boundaries on the ground in
the Middle East were not formed in the traditional way — by
compromise or war. Instead, European powers drew lines that
pleased their fancy. The lines did not create the hatreds that
plague the region, but they guaranteed that traditional enemies
would have to face each other within these boundaries.
It is in part because of the resulting
chaos and oppression that groups like the Taliban and Al-Qaeda
and the Shiite fundamentalists of Iran have been given an opportunity
to offer the solution of returning to the core values of Islam
— as defined, of course, to their private advantage.
If we topple one government and
then walk away, the result in any Middle Eastern nation
would be civil war, and the probable winner would be the well-funded
international terrorist groups that do not shrink from wholesale
murder in pursuing their cause.
Just as Kerensky's attempt at a
liberal government in revolutionary Russia was almost instantly
snuffed out by Lenin's Bolshevik thugs in 1917, so also would
any attempt at unified democratic government in Iraq, Iran,
Syria, or Afghanistan be quickly converted into Islamo-fascism
of one stripe or another.
And if that happened, Islamicist
puritanism would be seen in every nation as the “wave of the
future.” Just as, when Nazi Germany was in the ascendant, the
nations of southeastern Europe quickly made their accommodation
with Hitler, since the alternative was to be swept away like
Poland, France, or Yugoslavia, so also would nominally democratic
nations adopt the trappings of Islamicism — if they weren’t
already toppled by puritan revolutions from within.
Democracy — the Other Hope
Wherever Islamicism has been tried,
the result has been identical to Communism's miserable track
record. The people are oppressed; the worst sort of vigilantes
and thugs terrorize the population; the new power elite, regardless
of their supposed piety and dedication to a holy cause, is quickly
corrupted and comes to love the wealth and privileges of power.
When there is no hope of deliverance,
the people have no choice but to bow under the tyrant's lash,
pretending to be true believers while yearning for relief.
In Russia it came, after more than seventy years. China and
Cuba are still waiting — but then, they started later.
So it would be in the Muslim world
— if Islamicism were ever able to come to seem inevitable and
irresistible.
You know: If America withdrew from
Iraq and Afghanistan and exposed everyone who had cooperated
with us to reprisals.
As happened in South Vietnam.
The negotiated peace was more or less holding after American
withdrawal. But then a Democratic Congress refused to authorize
any further support for the South Vietnamese government. No
more armaments. No more budget.
In other words, we forcibly disarmed
our allies, while their enemies continued to be supplied by
the great Communist powers. The message was clear: Those who
rely on America are fools. We didn’t even have the decency
to arrange for the evacuation of the people who had trusted
us and risked the most in supporting what they thought was our
mutual cause.
We did it again, this time in the
Muslim world, in 1991, when Bush Senior encouraged a revolt
against Saddam. He meant for the senior military officers to
get rid of him in a coup; instead, the common people in the
Shiite south rose up against Saddam.
Bush Senior did nothing as Saddam
moved in and slaughtered them. The tragedy is that all it would
have taken is a show of force on our part in support of the
rebels, and Saddam’s officers would have toppled him.
Only when it became clear that we would do nothing did
it become impossible for any high-ranking officials to take
action. For the price of the relatively easy military action
that would have made Saddam turn his troops around and leave
the Shiite south, we could have gotten rid of him then — and
had grateful friends, perhaps, in the Shiite south.
That is part of our track record:
Two times we persuaded people to commit themselves to action
against oppressive enemies, only to abandon them. Do you think
that would-be rebels in Iran and Syria and North Korea don’t
remember those lessons?
Fortunately, there are other lessons
as well: West Germany and Japan, Taiwan and South Korea, where
liberated nations were protected. In the first two, we took
on the task of nation building and transformed both political
cultures into democracies. In the latter two, we tolerated
strongman dictatorships for many years, but eventually we made
it clear that it was time for democracy, and under our protective
umbrella, the governments were transformed and oppression ended.
So ... which America is operating
now in the Muslim world?
In Iraq and Afghanistan — but
especially Iraq — President Bush is behaving according to Americas
best and most honorable tradition. We did not come to destroy,
we came to liberate and rescue, he says — by word and deed.
We bring freedom and opportunity. Our money will help rebuild
your devastated (or never built-up) economies; our expertise
will help train your most talented people to be ready for prosperity
and self-government; and our military will keep enemies from
overwhelming you as you reinvent yourselves.
Instead of leaving an empty house,
swept clean but unprotected, waiting for the devils of Islamic
puritanism to come take over, President Bush has sworn that
America will bring democracy, and that American soldiers will
do their best to protect the decent, ordinary people until they
are able to protect themselves.
The Competing Stories
Heres the story the Islamic puritans
are telling: The West is full of terrible evils — atheism, sexual
filth of all kinds — in defiance of Gods will. So seductive
are the wiles of Shaitan that many Muslims aspire to dress,
act, and live like westerners. Only by turning to full enforcement
of ancient Muslim law can Islam purify itself and resist the
blandishments of the west. It's evil on one side, God on the
other.
If all we had to answer them was
Hollywood movies, politically correct anti-religious dogmas,
and the other trappings of a West that is almost as decadent
as the Islamicists claim, then we would only prove their
point.
Instead, President Bush has offered
something quite different. We dont want to turn you into mini-Americas,
he says. We offer you, instead, democracy, in which you can
choose for yourselves what parts of western culture to
adopt. You will govern yourselves. It isn’t a choice between
wickedness and righteousness; it’s a choice between freedom
and oppression.
In other words, through nation-building,
through the promise of democracy, Bush has created a rallying
point with far stronger resonance than anything the Islamic
puritans have to offer.
What is their program, after all?
We’ll take your sons and get them to blow themselves up in order
to murder westerners! Forget the rhetoric — Muslim parents
are human beings, and there is nothing more devastating than
to lose a child. The only consolation is when it seems to be
in a noble cause. But because of President Bushs promise of
democracy, the Muslim puritan cause does not seem noble
to more and more Muslims.
Even if they live in countries
(or neighborhoods) where they dare not speak up — yet — they
do not want any of their children to die just so that the rest
of them can live and suffer in slavery to a privileged, selfish
class of elitist tyrants.
President Bush’s story offers the
common people hope of living decent lives and seeing
their children live to adulthood, to grow old surrounded by
grandchildren.
The Al-Qaeda, Ayatollah story promises
them dead children and the lash.
There are, of course, fanatics
who will embrace Islamic terrorism because they choose to blind
themselves to the truth and embrace the noble-seeming lies of
the tyrants. Al-Qaeda does not lack for recruits.
But it also does not lack for people
who fear and hate them. There are few pro-Al-Qaeda demonstrations
on the Arab street. The people remember the images of liberated
Iraqis tearing down the images of Saddam. And they know C because
they have relatives and friends, they hear from merchants and
travelers that in most of Iraq, there is freedom and
prosperity like never before.
They're getting the story, at the
level of gossip and personal anecdote, that the anti-American
media — you know, Al-Jazirah and the New York Times —
never report: The Americans really mean to give the Iraqis self-government.
You hear about the power outages
in Iraq and it's always somehow Bush's fault. What nobody points
out is that these outages come in places where Saddam barely
offered electricity at all. The reason the new power systems
can’t cope is because the newly prosperous Iraqi people are
buying C and plugging in C vast quantities of electrical appliances
they could never afford to buy before! When a town that used
to have two dozen refrigerators and washing machines now has
two thousand of each, the old power supply is never going to
do the job.
“Americans Won’t Stay”
How do the Islamicist tyrants answer
the obvious success and growing appeal of Bushs democracy program?
They kill people, of course.
But they also tell the story, over
and over: “America will never stick it out. We’ll keep killing
Americans till they give up and go away, and then you will
answer to us!”
Until they believe that the Islamofascists
are never coming into power, many people will remain
afraid to commit themselves to democracy.
Under those circumstances, the
remarkable thing is how courageously the Shiites of the south
have embraced democracy, and how many of them are beginning
to trust that we mean what they say.
But against Bushs promises and
the actions of our brave and decent soldiers, the tyrants can
set the behavior of Bushs"'s; political opponents, who
are doing their best to promote the propaganda of the tyrants.
Every Congressman who says “We must set a timetable for departure”
is providing ammunition to the tyrants in their campaign of
terror.
Because even more than they fear
terrorist bombs, the pro-democracy forces within Iraq and Afghanistan
fear American withdrawal. Every speech threatening withdrawal
is a bomb going off in Baghdad, killing, not people, but the
will to resist the tyrants.
Bin Laden predicted it. The Democratic
Party in America is following his script exactly.
Can We Win?
That is certainly not what most
who call for withdrawal intend. They see Americans dying
and they have no hope of victory. The Iraq War (as they call
it) is costing lives and shows no sign of ending. Meanwhile,
Iran is getting nuclear weapons, North Korea already has them,
Syria and Iran are sponsoring continuing and escalating attacks
on Israel bols"' how can we possibly “win” a war that threatens
constantly to widen? Lets cut our losses, retire to our shores,
and ...
And will you please stop and think
for a moment?
There is no withdrawal to
our shores. American prosperity requires free trade throughout
most of the world. Free trade has depended for decades on American
might. If we withdraw now, we announce to the world that if
you just kill enough Americans, the big boys will go home and
let you do whatever you want.
Every American in the world then
becomes a target. And, because we have announced that we will
do nothing to protect them, we will soon be trading only with
nations that have enough strength to protect their own shores
and borders.
Only ... what nations are those?
Not Taiwan. If they saw us abandon Iraq, what conclusion could
they reach except this one: They’d better accommodate with China
now, when they can still get decent terms, than wait for America
to walk away from them the way we walked away from Vietnam and
Iraq.
We cannot win by going home. In
a short time, “home” would become a very different place, as
our own prosperity and safety steadily diminished. Isolationism
is a dead end. If we lose our will to protect the things that
support our own prosperity, then what can we expect but the
end of that prosperity C and of any vestige of safety, as well?
The frustrating thing is that if
people would just look, honestly, at the readily available data
from the Muslim world, they would realize that we are winning
and that the course President Bush is pursuing is, in fact,
the wisest one.
Mistakes
Critics
of Bush love to cite the many “mistakes” his administration
has made. Most of these “mistakes” are arguable C
are they mistakes at all? and when you sum up the others, with
any kind of rational understanding of military history, the
only possible conclusion is that this is the best-run war in
history, with the fewest mistakes. And most of the mistakes
we’ve made are the kind that become clear to morning-after quarterbacks
but were difficult to avoid in the fog of war.
Worse yet, Bush’s opponents invariably
depict these mistakes as being the result of deliberately chosen
policies C a ludicrous charge, but one that is taken seriously
by an astonishing number of people who should know better.
The game, you see, is blame. It’s not enough to say,
Bush made a mistake. You have to say, Bush deliberately did
it wrong for evil purposes and he must be punished.
But let’s accept the fairy tale
that this war has been badly run. That still does not change
the fact that on all of the biggest points, Bush has
made exactly the right choice Cand he has been the only one
who has even seen the need to make those choices!
Take North Korea, for instance.
Bush recognized instantly that North Korea, with China as its
sponsor and protector, is simply beyond the reach of American
power at this time. This will not always be true, but
his administration is pursuing a careful, quiet, firm policy
of diplomatic pressure on China to do what must be done to curb
North Korean insanity.
What about Iran? The idea of a
ground war in Iran Cespecially when we’re still fighting in
Iraq seems impossible.
But it is also probably unnecessary.
Because Iran’s present government is not just hated, it is also
losing its grip on power.
Not on the trappings of
power they control the “elections” to such a point that nobody
can be nominated without the approval of the ayatollahs.
But government power even in democracies
Cdepends absolutely on the will of the people to obey. And
when you rule by tyranny and oppression, the obedience of the
people comes from the credibility of the threat of violence
from the government.
The obvious examples are Red Square
in Moscow and Tiananmen Square in Beijing. In Moscow, when
Yeltsin and the pro-democracy demonstrators defied the tanks,
the Russian Army did not open fire. Why not? Either
they refused to obey the order to shoot, or the order was not
given but if it was not given, it was almost certainly because
the tyrants knew that it would not be obeyed.
In other words, the government
had lost the ability to inflict deadly force on its own population.
In Tiananmen Square, however, the
government gave the order and the troops did fire. As
a result, the tyranny continued and continues to this day.
Tyrannies only continue in power
when they can give the order to kill their own people and
be obeyed.
In Iran, there have been several
incidents in the past months and years where troops refused
to fire on demonstrators. This is huge news (virtually
unreported in the West, of course), because of what it means:
The ayatollahs’ days are numbered.
If President Bush invaded Iran
on the ground, bombing Iranian cities and killing Iranian soldiers,
he would accomplish only what Hitler did by invading Russia
Cuniting an oppressed people in support of a hated tyrant.
But, as was pointed out in a pair
of excellent analytical pieces in the most recent Commentary
magazine, we don't have to do anything of the kind.
Oil Is Our Weapon, Too
Iran’s ace-in-the-hole is not its
nuclear weapon C in their rational moments, even the most rabid
of the ayatollahs must understand that if they ever used (or
allowed someone else to use) a nuclear weapon, we would destroy
them, period. That nuke is meant only as a deterrent it can’t
be used any other way and while there’s a remote chance that
Iran might allow their nukes to be put into the hands of some
terrorist group, it would have to be a group they control absolutely.
In other words, it would not be Al-Qaeda. (Though Hezbollah
would be bad enough.)
The real threat from
Iran is their ability to shut down the Persian Gulf and cut
off the world’s supply of oil from Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran,
and the Gulf nations.
That would not really bother the
United States gas prices would shoot up on the open market,
of course, but we can get by on oil provided by non-Gulf sources.
Not so for the rest of the world,
though. And Iran is poised, with small boats and thousands
of missiles, to shut down all oil production and transportation
in the Persian Gulf.
What few seem to realize (according
to the article in Commentary) is that Iran is far
more dependent on oil revenues than we are on getting their
oil. When President Bush determines that he has given the Iranians
ample chance to demonstrate to the few rational statesmen left
in Europe that there is no possibility of meaningful negotiations
with the tyrants of Tehran, his obvious course of action is
to shut down Iranian power in the gulf and seize their oil assets.
If we strike first, we can eliminate
their ability to do mischief in the gulf quite readily. Their
forces, however numerous, are pathetically vulnerable. Unlike
their dispersed and shielded nuclear development capability,
their military forces in the gulf are in obvious and accessible
positions.
So are their own oil assets. They
are as dependent on the Gulf to reach the world oil market as
any of their neighbors. If we seize their oil platforms, destroy
their shipping, and impose an absolute blockade on Iranian shipping
in the Gulf while eliminating their ability to damage anybody
else’s shipping how long do you think the tyranny would remain
in power?
Here’s a hint: They’d run out of
money very, very quickly.
Here’s another hint: Their military
is already refusing to obey their most outrageous orders. When
the military finds themselves saddled with a government that
has brought the destruction of most of their oil revenues, all
because of their insane determination to take on the United
States, how long before the ayatollahs are arrested and sent
home? Or else made irrelevant by placing a “committee of public
safety” above them, to veto their decisions and make peace with
the West?
Maybe it wouldn’t turn out that
way. But it’s our best chance C and thats the chance that Bush
is obviously preparing for. He has made no attempt to prepare
the American people for an invasion of Iran. But he
has made it crystal clear that Iranian misbehavior will not
be tolerated and that regime change is the desired outcome.
If Iran’s ayatollahs were toppled,
how long would Syria continue to misbehave? Answer: About fifteen
minutes. Syria is a poor country. They are only able to make
trouble because they have Iran’s support.
Shiites and Sunnis
Here's the other asset we have
that no one seems to take into account when judging Bush’s conduct
of the War on Terror: We are really caught up in an ancient
civil war between Shiites and Sunnis.
Al-Qaeda on the Sunni side and
Iran's ayatollahs on the Shiite side have both been playing
the same game all along. They don’t seriously think that they
can conquer the United States (yet) Cso why have they been provoking
us?
Because they're belling the cat.
Or poking the bull with sticks. Why? Because they are performing
on the stage of world Islam, putting on rival plays. Both plays
have the same message: Look, we’re the heroes who have God on
our side, because we’re the ones who have provoked the
great Shaitan and gotten away with it!
Iran’s Shiites had the upper hand
for quite a while, bringing down one U.S. President (Carter)
and getting another tough-guy Reagan C to withdraw the Marines
from Lebanon and then come begging to Iran’s door in his stupid,
cowardly arms-for-hostages deal.
Then Al-Qaeda had the upper hand
in their play, showing the Muslim world that it
was the Sunnis who were blowing up American boats and embassies
and, finally, the twin towers in New York City itself.
It’s all theatre. It’s all an
effort by Bin Laden to restore the Caliphate with himself, of
course, as Caliph spiritual dictator of the Muslim world. The
goal? Not just to unite Sunni Islam under a Caliph again, but
to then make war on and crush Shiite resistance. That is the
prize. Only when it is won would a united Islam be ready to
conquer the rest of the world, finishing the task that was left
unfinished by previous waves of Muslim conquest.
Meanwhile, Iran’s ayatollahs are
trying to show the Muslim world that it is they, the Shiite
leaders, who have God on their side. That was what the recent
campaign in Lebanon was all about to steal the glory back from
Al-Qaeda.
But wait. It’s even more complicated
than that. Because there are other divisions within the Muslim
world. Iraqi Shiites have no love for, and do not accept the
authority of, the Persian clerics. Arabic-speaking Shiites
have no desire to have Farsi-speaking Shiites rule over them.
So we have an amazingly convoluted
situation in the middle east. Iran and its puppet, Syria, are
cooperating support of the Sunni resistance in Iraq. Why?
Its not because Syria’s rulers are nominally Baathist as Saddam
was C Baathism is dead. Instead, it’s the ancient tribalism
that is at the fore. Syria’s rulers are members of a tiny religious
minority that is an offshoot of Shia, and thus they help Iran
maintain access to its Shiite allies in Lebanon partly in order
to shore up their own position vis-a-vis their own mostly-Sunni
population.
So why are these Shiites and crypto-Shiites
supporting the Sunnis in Baghdad?
Because anything that keeps America
distracted is good for them. And if the Americans do pack up
and go home, then the Shiites can claim the victory Ceven though
it’s mostly Sunnis who are blowing themselves up in Israel and
Baghdad.
Besides, the Sunni insurgents in
Iraq are keeping the Iraqi Shiites off balance. The last thing
the Iranian ayatollahs want is for Iraq to become a democratic
nation with a Shiite majority, because at that moment it will
be the Iraqi Shiite leaders who will have the most credibility
as leaders of the Shiite wing of Islam.
So the leadership of the Iraqi
Shiites are perceived as rivals by the ayatollahs of Iran.
Thus the Iranians support the Iraqi Shiites enemies providing
the weapons that are used to murder Shiites in Iraq.
It’s an astonishingly twisted game
and as long as we don’t do anything really, really stupid, like
withdrawing from Iraq, all these various treacheries will inevitably
lead to the fall of the tyrants in Iran, and therefore in Syria,
and therefore the taming of Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Bush’s game is to keep from letting
any of these faction unite, while preparing to deliver strategic
blows that can bring down the ayatollahs at relatively little
cost.
Every action has repercussions.
Just as our withdrawal from Iraq would terrify and silence our
allies everywhere, and embolden our enemies, so also would the
fall of the ayatollahs particularly if it is as the result of
an American intervention in the Gulf make waves everywhere.
Democracy would be perceived as the wave of the future. Our
friends in many countries would feel free to speak up for democracy
and pro-American policies and their enemies would be afraid
to silence them.
North Korea might go through a
paroxysm of defiance but they would still understand the lesson.
America will not be bullied by tyrants. We will stand for democracy,
destroying our enemies at the “time and place of our choosing.”
Negotiations with North Korea would instantly take on a very
different tone; and China’s attitude, too, would become considerably
more cooperative with us.
This is the victory that awaits
us and it remains possible for two reasons only:
1. America’s
brilliant, brave, and well-trained military, which projects
not just power but decency and compassion wherever our soldiers
go, and
2. President
George W. Bush, who, regardless of his critics and detractors,
has steadfastly pursued the only course that holds the hope
of victory without plunging us into a worldwide war with
a united Islam or isolating America in a world torn by
chaos.
Those are the scylla and charybdis
that threaten us on either hand. If we do not win this containable
war now, following the plan President Bush has set forth, we
will surely end up fighting far bloodier wars for the next generation.
And the rhetoric of this election
proves that we have precious few politicians in either party
who have the brains, will, or courage to be taken seriously
as alternatives to George W. Bush in the guidance of our nation
through this dangerous, complicated world.
If we, the American people, are
stupid enough to give control of either or both houses of Congress
to the Democratic Party in this election, we will deserve the
world we find ourselves in five years from now.
But Bush, being the wise and moderate
politician that he is, may actually be able to continue his
foreign policy despite the opposition of a Democratic Congress.
What really scares me is the 2008
election. The Democratic Party is hopeless only clowns seem
to be able to rise to prominence there these days, while they
boot out the only Democrats serious about keeping America’s
future safe. But the Republicans are almost equally foolish,
trying to find somebody who is farther right than Bush somebody
who will follow the conservative line far better than the moderate
Bush has ever attempted, and somebody who will “kick butt” in
foreign policy.
So if we get one of the leading
Democrats as our new President in 2009, we’ll be on the road
to pusillanimous withdrawal and the resulting chaos in the world.
While if we elect any of the Republicans
who are extremist enough to please the Hannity wing of the party,
our resulting belligerence will likely provoke Islam into unifying
behind one of the tyrants, which is every bit as terrifying
an outcome.
I hope somebody emerges in one
of the parties, at least, who commits himself or herself to
continuing Bush’s careful, wise, moderate, and so-far-successful
policies in the War on Terror.
Meanwhile, we have this election.
You have your vote. For the sake of our children’s future and
for the sake of all good people in the world who don’t
get to vote in the only election that matters to their
future, too Cvote for no Congressional candidate who even hints
at withdrawing from Iraq or opposing Bush’s leadership in the
war. And vote for no candidate who will hand control of the
House of Representatives to those who are sworn to undo Bush’s
restrained but steadfast foreign policy in this time of war.