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Plagues and Rumors of Plagues
By Davis
Bitton
Future historians will probably take
note of the SARS scare of 2003. Still relatively confined in the
late spring, "severe acute respiratory syndrome" has
already had disastrous impact on tourism and the general economy
in China, Hong Kong, and Toronto. Protective masks are worn by health care workers and many
others. Quarantines are imposed. Naturally, the hope is that this
disease will not spiral out of control but can be contained and
then eradicated.
In 1817, a great cholera pandemic
began in India
and spread to many other parts of the world. In the 1830s, it
imperiled many parts of the United
States and, as we know, cruelly attacked
some companies of Latter-day Saints as they crossed the plains
in 1847 and after.
Another fearsome disease was smallpox.
Imperfectly understood, not always properly diagnosed, it wrought
havoc. Native Americans fell victim to smallpox far more than
to any military weapons of the European invaders. Vaccination
has effectively stifled smallpox during the twentieth century,
but we are reminded that terrorists might still employ smallpox
very effectively against a population where supplies of vaccine
are low and no longer universally administered.
Vaccination was not enthusiastically
accepted by everyone. Each country and each state in the United States had its own controversy as voices
were raised on both sides of the issue. At the turn of the twentieth
century, Brigham Young, Jr., was one apostle who steadfastly opposed
thus deliberately allowing oneself to be infected with cowpox
in order to build up antibodies against smallpox. "God alone
can avert the contagious diseases and calamities coming upon the
people," he wrote. Fortunately, other leaders around the
turn of the century did not think the same way, and compulsory
vaccination was adopted in Utah as well as other states.
As late as 1924, there were 45,255
cases of smallpox in the United
States and 814 deaths. By 1950 it had virtually
disappeared. In other countries, progress was slower.
Then there was influenza. Starting
in the United States
in 1918, spreading to the soldiers in France, ultimately affecting many parts of the
world, the disease was devastating. In that year, 621,000 soldiers
caught the flu — one out of six combatants — and 43,000 of them
died.
Civilian populations were quickly
infected. The first cases in Salt
Lake City were reported on October 3. On a single day, October
15, the city reported 161 new cases and six deaths, and sixty-five
other towns in Utah
reported outbreaks. By the end of the month there were more than
1500 cases and 117 deaths. Imagining how we would react to such
an attack now, I think we can say that influenza had people’’s
attention.
What could be done? Quarantine was
the immediate answer. Homes where anyone had the flu were marked
with a sign in large letters reading INFLUENZA. The state health
officer banned public gatherings. At his urging, schools and universities
closed down until January. There were to be no theater performances
and no church meetings.
World War I had dragged on more than
four years. Never had any military conflict produced such casualties.
When an armistice was signed on November 11, joy erupted. Yet
people were dying of influenza. The resulting emotional confusion
bordered on trauma.
The prohibition against public gatherings
was swept aside as the Salt Lake City "went mad" in
what one reporter called "a merger of the wildest New Year's
Eve demonstration when John Barleycorn wielded the scepter, with
the biggest Labor Day and Fourth of July manifestations and the
greatest of all festivals and carnivals ever witnessed in Salt
Lake all rolled into one."
The celebration lasted through the
day and far into the night. A parade planned for 3 p.m. degenerated
into "happy chaos," a traffic jam that prevented the
parade from proceeding. On Main
Street between First and Second South three bands, unable to participate
in the parade, alternated in playing for dances.
"Government of the streets was
banished and a screaming multitude laughing and gay took possession,
a riotous revel." Confetti fell from the windows above. Noise
was incessant, coming from whistles, horns, cans banged together,
drums, and the bands who could scarcely make themselves heard.
A locomotive traveled along the streetcar tracks, emitting "an
incessant shrieking scream." "Dignity was flung aside,"
wrote the reporter.
In the aftermath of the celebration,
new cases of influenza broke out. Patients must be isolated, health
officials insisted, and any house with an influenza patient must
be placarded. Streetcars were limited in the number of passengers
they could carry. Business hours at stores were shortened. Funeral
services could not exceed thirty (later fifteen) minutes, and
corteges were limited to four vehicles, including the hearse.
Masks were to be worn in sick rooms and other specified places.
After the disease had run its course,
the state health commissioner estimated that there had been at
least 130,000 cases of influenza in Utah
in 1918-19. Of those afflicted, the percentage of deaths was in
the vicinity of 4 percent.
This season of extremes — grief for
those lost to disease and paroxysms of joy over the end of the
war — saw an important transition in the Church. Just prior to
October conference in 1918, President Joseph F. Smith, who had
been in precarious health, witnessed a vision of the spirit world
(now Section 138 of the Doctrine and Covenants). On November 19,
he died from an attack of pleurisy that degenerated into pneumonia.
Because of the influenza epidemic, no public funeral was held.
A few days prior to his death, President
Smith received a caller — Heber J. Grant, president of the Quorum
of the Twelve Apostles. Feebly taking Grant’s hand, the Church
president said, "The Lord bless you, my boy, the Lord bless
you. You have a great responsibility. Always remember that this
is the Lord’s work, and not man’s." Heber J. Grant served
as prophet, seer, and revelator from 1918 to 1945.
Because of continuing concern over
health conditions, general conference was not held in April 1919.
Postponed for two months, it convened in June. "One of the
most desolating scourges of sickness ever known has passed over
the land," said Elder Anthony W. Ivins. "An unprecedented
number of our Church members have been stricken, and many of our
most useful and esteemed brethren and sisters have passed away."
My close friend Leonard Arrington, whose research I have utilized
here, almost died of influenza as an infant in Idaho. Fortunately he survived and lived until 1999, blessing the lives
of many of us.
Disease can be a great equalizer.
At the mercy of microorganisms for which there is no known antidote
or none available, people naturally feel vulnerable. Of course,
all do not react in the same way. The unspeakable horrors of the
Black Death in Tuscany are vividly described by Giovanni Boccaccio
at the beginning of his Decameron, a work that is itself
evidence that some took refuge in escapism and riotous living.
Others responded differently. During
the successive phases of this bubonic plague in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, many European Christians prayed, lit
candles, made donations to the church, took holy orders, even
flagellated themselves in the hopes of appeasing God.
Similar differences are observed
in 1918 and during other catastrophes. Some experience a "mighty
change," or reinvigorate a faltering faith, draw close to
God in prayer, and "always remember him." Others imbibe
alcohol, shoot drugs, pathetically seek ultimate ecstasy in sexual
abandon, and display the superficiality of their disconnected
lives. Epidemics have a dramatic way of forcing us to reveal who
we truly are.
Come to think of it, the same is
true of the individual afflictions that sooner or later affect
almost everyone during the course of our life on earth.
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