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by Richard E. Bennett[1]
Published
by permission of the The Religious
Educator, a publication of the
Religious Studies Center at Brigham
Young University. To learn more
about this publication click
here.
"As I pondered over these things which are written,
the eyes of my understanding
were opened, and the Spirit
of the Lord rested upon me,
and I saw the hosts of the
dead, both small and great" (D&C
138:11).
Joseph
F. Smith’s discourses on life,
death, and war are revered
today by Latter-day Saints
as profoundly important contributions
to Mormon doctrine. Sixth president
of The Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-day Saints (he served
from 1901 to 1918) and nephew
of Joseph Smith, the founder
of the Church, President Smith
proclaimed some of his most
comforting and most important
discourses on the topics of
death and suffering during
the waning months of World
War I. His final sermon, his “Vision
of the Redemption of the Dead,” now
canonized as revelation by
the Church, stands as the authoritative
Mormon declaration of its time.
The
Historical Context
A
thorough study of the historical
process that brought this doctrinal
statement out of obscurity
and into the realm of modern
Mormon scripture begs to be
written. However, the purpose
of this paper is to place this
and his other wartime sermons
in their historical context,
to suggest their place in the
wider tapestry of Christian
thought, and to argue for their
fuller application as commentary
on temple work, war, and several
other critical issues of the
day. Just as it took Church
leaders years to rediscover
the full significance of President
Smith’s visions of the redemption
of the dead and their full
significance as a vital assist
to modern temple work, so also
Latter-day Saint historians
have been slow to view them
as essential documents, pointers,
and commentaries of the age.
To the views and comments of
other religionists of the day
who were sharing their own
important visions at war’s
end, Joseph F. Smith’s must
now be added.[2]

At
a time when prayers in schools
are discouraged, if not denied,
at the “eleventh hour of the
eleventh day of the eleventh
month,” school children across
Canada and throughout much
of the British Commonwealth
of Nations are asked to bow
their heads in grateful remembrance
for those who died in war.
To this day, Remembrance
Day, November 11, is a Sabbath-day-like
observance, a tolling bell,
in honor of those who gave
their last true measure of
devotion to the cause of
God,
king, and country. Canadians
wear scarlet poppies on their
lapels and gather respectfully
at public war memorials across
the land, sing hymns, honor
mothers who lost sons in
battle, and listen reverently
to the
following poem, penned by
John McCrae during the frightful
battle of Ypres where men
by
the tens of thousands died
in the blooming poppy fields
of Belgium: In Flanders fields the poppies blow
Between the crosses, row on row,
That mark our place; and in the sky
The larks, still bravely singing, fly
Scarce heard amid the guns below.
We are the Dead. Short days ago
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow;
Loved and were loved, and now we lie
In Flanders fields.
Take up our quarrel with the foe;
To you from failing hands we throw
The torch; be yours to hold it high.
If ye break faith with us who die
We shall not sleep, though poppies grow
In Flanders fields.[3]
Indeed, “lest
we forget,” more than nine
million men in uniform and
countless legions of civilians
perished in the battlefields,
battleships, and bombed-out
byways of World War I. Another
twenty-one million were permanently
scarred and disfigured. Whatever
the causes of that conflict,
they have long been overshadowed
by the “sickening mists of
slaughter” that, like a pestilence,
hung over the world for four
and a half years. The terrible
battles of the Marne, Ypres,
Verdun, the Somme, Vimy Ridge,
Jutland, Passchendaele, Gallipoli,
and many others are place names
synonymous with unmitigated
human slaughter in what some
have described as a nineteenth-century
war fought with twentieth-century
weaponry. This was the conflict,
remember, that witnessed the
awful stalemate of protracted
trench warfare and pitched
hand-to-hand combat in the “no-man’s
lands” of western Europe, the
introduction of Germany’s lethal
submarine attacks, chemical-gas
mass killings, and aerial bombings
on a frightening scale. Yet
the Great War, that “war to
end all wars,” became but the
catalyst and springboard for
an even deadlier conflict a
generation later. And with
its long-prayed-for conclusion
on 11 November 1918 came prayers
for a lasting peace, hopes
for a League of Nations that
would guarantee future world
peace, and sermons and visions
that spoke of new hopes and
new dreams for a blighted world.
Joseph F. Smith’s Responses to War
Compared
to the other great religions
of the time, The Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints, with a membership then
of only a few hundred thousand,
most of who lived in Utah and
surrounding states, may seem
like a very small voice in
a vastly overcrowded cathedral.
Though as many as fifteen thousand
Latter-day Saints saw battle,
mainly as enlisted men in the
United States Army, Mormonism
as a religion was spared the
tragedy of killing its own,
as opposed to Catholic shooting
Catholic and of Lutheran gunning
down Lutheran on the distant
battlefields of Europe. Headquartered
far away in the tops of the
Rocky Mountains of the American
West, the Church remained relatively
unscathed from the intimate
hell and awful horror of war,
much as it had done during
America’s Civil War fifty years
before. Nevertheless, the Church’s
leaders held definite positions
toward the war, some of which
were modified over time.
With
the sudden, unexpected outbreak
of the war and in response
to President Woodrow Wilson’s
request for prayers of peace,
Joseph F. Smith, himself a
confirmed Republican, and his
counselors in the First Presidency,
the highest ecclesiastical
body in the Church, called
upon the entire membership
to support the nation’s president
and to pray for peace. “We
deplore the calamities which
have come upon the people in
Europe,” he declared, “the
terrible slaughter of brave
men, the awful sufferings of
women and children, and all
the disasters that are befalling
the world in consequence of
the impending conflicts, and
earnestly hope and pray that
they may be brought to a speedy
end.”[4]
His
counselor, Charles W. Penrose,
speaking further on President
Smith’s behalf, condemned neither
side in the war: “We ask Thee,
O Lord, to look in mercy upon
those nations. No matter what
may have been the cause which
has brought about the tumult
and the conflict now prevailing,
wilt Thou grant, we pray Thee,
that it be overruled for good,
so that the time shall come
when, though thrones may totter
and empires fall, liberty and
freedom shall come to the oppressed
nations of Europe, and indeed
throughout the world.”[5] This
spirit of the entire Church
praying for peace lasted throughout
the war.[6]
Speaking
in the general conference of
the Church just one month after
the outbreak of war, President
Smith expressed, for the first
time, his public interpretation
of the war and of its causes.
Still stunned by news of the
enormously high numbers of
casualties so soon inflicted,
he reiterated his desire for
peace, pointed to the “deplorable” spectacle
of war, and blamed it not upon
God but squarely upon man’s
inhumanity to man, on dishonest
politics, on broken treaties,
and, above all, on the apostate
conditions he believed were
endemic to modern Christianity. “God
did not design or cause this,” he
preached. “It is deplorable
to the heavens that such a
condition should exist among
men.”[7] Choosing not to interpret the conflict
in economic, political, or
even nationalist tones, he
ever saw it, at base, as the
result of moral decline, of
religious bankruptcy, and of
the world’s refusal to accept
the full gospel of Jesus Christ. “Here
we have nations arrayed against
nations,” he said, “and yet
in every one of these nations
is so-called Christian peoples
professing to worship the same
God, professing to possess
belief in the same divine Redeemer
. . . and yet these nations
are divided against the other,
and each is praying to his
God for wrath upon and victory
over his enemies.”[8] Loyal
in every way to the message
of the Book of Mormon and the
Restoration of the gospel of
Jesus Christ, he saw it this
way:
Would it be possible—could it be possible, for this condition
to exist if the people of the
world possessed really the
true knowledge of the Gospel
of Jesus Christ? And if they
really possessed the Spirit
of the living God—could this
condition exist? No; it could
not exist, but war would cease,
and contention and strife would
be at an end. . . . Why does
it exist? Because they are
not one with God, nor with
Christ. They have not entered
into the true fold, and the
result is they do not possess
the spirit of the true Shepherd
sufficiently to govern and
control their acts in the ways
of peace and righteousness.[9]
The
only real and lasting antidote
to the sin of war, he believed,
was the promulgation of the
restored gospel of Jesus Christ “as
far as we have power to send
it forth through the elders
of the Church.”[10]
A
Fulfillment of Prophecy
Though
the war was not the work of
God, the Mormon leader was
nonetheless quick to see in
it a fulfillment of divine
prophecy, both ancient and
modern. “The newspapers are
full of the wars and the rumors
of wars,” he wrote in a private
family letter of November 1914, “which
seem to be literally poured
out upon all nations as foretold
by the Prophet [Joseph Smith]
in 1832. The reports of the
carnage and destruction going
on in Europe are sickening
and deplorable, and from the
latest reports the field of
carnage is greatly enlarging
instead of diminishing.”[11]
A
few weeks later, in his annual
Christmas greeting to the Church
for December 1914, he returned
to this same theme. “The sudden ‘outpouring’ of
the spirit of war upon the
European nations which startled
the whole world and was unexpected
at the time of its occurrence,
had long been expected by the
Latter-day Saints, as it was
foretold by the Prophet Joseph
Smith on Christmas Day, December
25th, 1832.”[12]
Yet
no one took pleasure in seeing
such foreboding prophecy fulfilled.
Nor could predictions be made
tantamount to divine imposition
on the affairs of men. At stake
were the agency—and the evil—of
man. As the cold calamity of
war spread across the battlefields
of Europe, President Smith
continually stressed this point. “God,
doubtless, could avert war,” he
said in December of 1914, “prevent
crime, destroy poverty, chase
away darkness, overcome error,
and make all things bright,
beautiful and joyful. But this
would involve the destruction
of a vital and fundamental
attribute of His sons and daughters
that they become acquainted
with evil as well as good,
with darkness as well as light,
with error as well as truth
and with the results of the
infraction of eternal laws.”[13] Thus, the war, among so many other
things, was a schoolmaster,
a judgment of man’s own doing,
a terrible lesson of what inevitably
transpires when hate and greed
rule the day.
Despite
these broken laws and with
them the inevitable fulfillment
of calamitous prophecy, there
can be found, like a stream
of clear water running throughout
his teachings, the doctrine
of ultimate redemption and
resolution:
Therefore [God] has permitted the evils which have been brought
about by the acts of His creatures,
but will control their ultimate
results for His glory and the
progress and exaltation of
His sons and daughters, when
they have learned obedience
by the things they suffer.
. . . The foreknowledge of
God does not imply His action
in bringing about that which
He foresees.[14]
Vowing
initially not to take sides
in the struggle, President
Smith found it increasingly
challenging, however, to remain
neutral. The sinking of the Lusitania in
May 1915 struck an ominous
chord in America, intent as
the country was in staying
clear of the conflict. His
colleague, James E. Talmage,
then a member of the Church’s
Quorum of the Twelve Apostles,
described the sinking as “one
of the most barbarous developments
of the European war,” charging
Germany for staining its hands “with
innocent blood never to be
washed away.”[15]
Hoping
Not to Take Sides
Despite
such wartime atrocities, President
Smith clung to the hope that
America could somehow remain
detached from the war. “I am
glad that we have kept out
of war so far, and I hope and
pray that we may not be under
the necessity of sending our
sons to war, or experience
as a nation the distress, the
anguish and sorrow that comes
from a condition such as exists
upon the old continent.”[16]
Nevertheless,
as America lurched reluctantly
toward war, President Smith
saw America’s involvement as
a necessity. News of the Zeppelin
bombing raids over England
and his consequent fear for
the safety of his own mission-president
son and missionaries then serving
in England particularly bothered
him and led him to question
ever further Germany’s wartime
tactics. “It seems to me that
the only object of such raids
is the wanton and wicked destruction
of property and the taking
of defenseless lives,” he wrote.
It appears that the spirit of murder, the shedding of blood,
not only of combatants but
of anyone connected with the
enemy’s country seems to have
taken possession of the people,
or at least the ruling powers
in Germany. What they gain
by it, I do not know. It is
hardly possible that they expect
to intimidate the people by
such actions, and it surely
does not diminish the forces
of the opposition. By such
unnecessary and useless raids
in the name of warfare, they
are losing the respect of all
the nations of the earth.[17]
A
staunch patriot, he was soon
to admit the obvious: “I have
a feeling in my heart that
the United States has a glorious
destiny to fulfill, and that
part of that glorious destiny
is to extend liberty to the
oppressed, as far as it is
possible to all nations, to
all people.” Gradually, he
forged a cautious, nonpacifist
view in behalf of the entire
Church: “I do not want war;
but the Lord has said it shall
be poured out upon all nations,
and if we escape, it will be ‘by
the skin of our teeth.’ I would
rather the oppressors should
be killed, or destroyed, than
to allow the oppressors to
kill the innocent.”[18]
If
Latter-day Saints must fight—and
thousands of them soon enlisted
in the cause—their attitude
must ever be that of “peace
and good will toward all mankind,
. . . that they will not forget
that they are also soldiers
of the Cross, that they are
ministers of life and not of
death; and when they go forth,
they may go forth in the spirit
of defending the liberties
of mankind rather than for
the purpose of destroying the
enemy. . . . Let the soldiers
that go out from Utah be and
remain men of honor.”[19] Eager to demonstrate Mormon loyalty
to an America still suspicious
of the Church and of some of
its teachings and to support
President Wilson’s entry into
the war, President Smith led
active campaigns to enlist
Latter-day Saints in the ranks
of the military and to involve
the Church and its membership
in the various Liberty Bond
drives of the time, raising
hundreds of thousands of dollars
in the process.[20]
Significantly,
his writings bear an absence
of malice or a spirit of vengeance
toward the aggressor. Less
critical than other younger
leaders, such as James E. Talmage
who, although not given to
retribution, felt Germany had
a debt to pay, President Smith
was ever slow to condemn. Said
he: “Let the Lord exercise
vengeance where vengeance is
needed. And let me not judge
my fellow men, nor condemn
them lest I condemn them wrongly.”[21]
Meanwhile,
until the war ended, Latter-day
Saints joined with others in
praying for peace and in taking
up arms in the cause of victory
over the enemy. America’s involvement
eventually turned the tide
of war, ultimately bringing
a defeated Germany and the
other Axis powers to Versailles.
And though half a world away,
news of the pending peace was
as jubilantly received in Utah
as it was most everywhere else
in the free world.[22]
The Armistice
The
Latter-day Saints were, of
course, not alone in proclaiming
a vision of the war and of
peace. A sampling of what others
saw as the war wore away may
be instructive. Randall Thomas
Davidson, Archbishop of Canterbury,
was trying earnestly to see
meaning out of a senseless
war, to see divine purpose
in man’s malignancy, and to
bring vision to a groping world. “There,
then, with all that the war
has brought us of darkened
homes and of shattered hopes
for those we loved,” he said
in his war-closing sermon of
gratitude preached at Westminster
Abbey in London on 10 November
1918,
with all its hindering and setting back of our common efforts
and energies to promote things
peaceable and lovely and of
good report, [the war] has,
beyond any doubt, been our
schoolmaster to bring us to
a larger vision of the world
as God sees it. It is one of
the great things which our
sons, our dear sons, have wrought
for us by their dauntless sacrifice.
. . . Just now, this week,
when the whole life—I do not
think I am exaggerating—the
whole life of the world is
being re-conditioned, re-established,
re-set for good. This is that
crisis-hour. Something has
happened, is happening, which
can best find description in
. . . the living word or message
of God to man. It cuts right
to the centre of our being.[23]
He
closed a later sermon with
his particular vision of a
new Christian way:
Jesus Christ is the real centre and strength of the best hopes
and efforts man can make for
the bettering and the brightening
of the world. Only we must
quietly, determinedly, thoughtfully,
take His law and His message
as our guide. . . . The task
is hardest perhaps when we
are dealing with life’s largest
relationship—the relationship
between peoples. Can we carry
the Christian creed and rule
there? Who shall dare to say
we cannot? It needs a yet larger
outlook. . . . Surely it is
a vision from on high.[24]
Views
of Clerics
Pope
Benedict XV, in his first encyclical
immediately following the end
of the war, rejoiced that “the
clash of arms has ceased,” allowing “humanity
[to] breathe again after so
many trials and sorrows.” Next
only to gratitude, his sentiment
was one of profound regret,
bordering on apology, that
a leading cause of the war
had been the “deplorable fact
that the ministers of the Word” had
not more courageously taught
true religion rather than the
politics of accommodation from
the pulpit. The conscience
of Christianity had been scarred
by its own advocates. “The
blame certainly must be laid
on those ministers of the Gospel,” he
lamented. He went on to chastise
the pulpit and called for a
new vision, a new order of
valiant, righteous Christian
spokesmen who would declare
peace and the cross fearlessly. “It
must be Our earnest endeavor
everywhere to bring back the
preaching of the Word of God
to the norm and ideal to which
it must be directed according
to the command of Christ Our
Lord, and the laws of the Church.”[25]
The
official American Catholic
response may best be seen in
the pastoral letters of its
bishops. At its base, the war
showed a deep “moral evil” in
man where “spiritual suffering” and “sin
abounded.” Despite all of mankind’s
progress—“the advance of civilization,
the diffusion of knowledge,
the unlimited freedom of thought,
the growing relaxation of moral
restraint— . . . we are facing
grave peril.” Scientific and
materialistic progress notwithstanding,
a world without moral discipline
and faith will lead only to
destruction. The only true
vision of hope is “the truth
and the life of Jesus Christ,” and
the Catholic Church must uphold
the dignity of man, defend
the rights of the people, relieve
distress, consecrate sacrifice,
and bind all classes together
in the love of the Savior.[26]
James
Cardinal Gibbons of Baltimore,
the leading American Catholic
spokesman, in calling upon
Americans to “thank God for
the victory of the allies and
to ask him for grace to ‘walk
in the ways of wisdom, obedience
and humility,’” ordered his
priests to substitute the prayer
of thanksgiving in the Mass
in place of the oration.[27] He instructed them further that a solemn
service be held in all the
churches of the archdiocese
on 28 November 1918 at which
the Church’s official prayer
of thanksgiving, the Te
Deum, should be sung.[28] Written as early as A.D. 450,
the words to one of Catholicism’s
most famous hymns speak of
man’s immortality, of Christ’s
divinity, and of His redemption
of the dead:
We praise Thee, O God: we
acknowledge Thee to be the Lord
Thee, the Eternal Father, all
the earth doth worship . . .
Thou, O Christ, art the King of glory.
Thou art the Everlasting Son of the Father.
Thou didst not abhor the Virgin’s
womb, when Thou tookest upon
Thee human nature to deliver man.
When Thou hadst overcome the
sting of death, Thou didst open
to believers the kingdom of heaven.
Thou sittest at the right hand of
God, in the glory of the Father.
Thou, we believe, art the Judge to come.[29]
The American Protestant view of the war, and more especially
of its postwar opportunities,
is varied and diverse and defies
simple categorization and analysis.
There were almost as many “visions” as
there were hundreds of denominations.
While most, like Bishop Charles
P. Anderson of the Protestant
Episcopal Church, spoke in
terms of gratitude, many others
soon were speaking jingoistically,
calling for immediate punishment
and retribution.[30] “The Christian Century, which
was representative of a great
portion of Christendom, believed
in the thorough chastisement
of Germany.”[31] Likewise,
the Congregationalist editorialized
that “Germany is a criminal
at the bar of justice.”[32] Reverend Dr. S. Howard Young of Brooklyn
called “retribution upon the
war lords” as “divine,” “the
first world lesson to be derived
from the German downfall.”[33]
Meanwhile,
Billy Sunday, “God’s Grenadier” and
by far the most popular patriot/evangelist
of his day, saw the war as
good against evil, God against
Satan, “America and Christ,
indissolubly linked, forging
ahead in a glorious struggle.”[34] Though some others shared his view,
Billy characteristically always
went a step or two further. “Hey,
Jesus, you’ve gotta send a
country like that to damnation,” he
once said. “I’ll raise enough
of an army myself to help beat
the dust off the Devil’s hordes.”[35] He
also saw the end of the war
as a window, a God-given opportunity
to revitalize the evangelical
cause of Christian revivalism
and of individual spiritual
rebirth, a time to confront
the anti-Christ of such foreign-inspired
teachings as evolution, social
Darwinism, higher criticism,
and every other philosophical
evil of the age.
Other,
more moderate, clergymen like
the positive-minded Presbyterian,
Robert E. Speer, saw a moral
victory stemming out of the
war, a new vision rising out
of the ashes of Europe. “The
war also has unmistakably set
in the supreme place those
moral and spiritual principles
which constitute the message
of the Church,” he declared. “The
war has shown that these values
are supreme over personal loss
and material interest. . .
. We succeeded in the war whenever
and wherever this was our spirit.
. . . The war says that what
Christ said is forever true.”[36]
Rabbi
Silverman, speaking in Chicago’s
Temple Beth-El synagogue, mirrored
Speer’s sentiments. “The world
was nearer its millennium today
than ever before,” he is reported
to have said. “War had brought
mankind nearer to brotherhood
than had centuries of religious
teachings. . . . War had brought
religion back to its original
task of combating bigotry,
fighting sin, and uplifting
mankind.”[37]
Both
Reverend Speer and Henry Emerson
Fosdick, professor of the Union
Theological Seminary in New
York, along with other leading
religious leaders, welcomed
the end of war as an opportunity
to launch “the Church Peace
Union,” a new united religious
order funded, in part, by Andrew
Carnegie and his Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace to
unite multiple Protestant faiths
marching under one grand united
banner—“the new political heaven
[to] regenerate earth,” as
Bishop Samuel Fallows of the
Reformed Episcopal Church liked
to describe it. Though destined
to failure because of oppressive
debts, internal disagreements,
and opposition from Protestant
fundamentalism, for a brief
moment, this Interchurch World
Movement of Protestants, Catholics,
and Jewish leaders in America
became “the principal voice
of institutional religion on
behalf of peace-keeping and
peace-making” and appeared
to hold enormous promise for
church unity, social reform,
and economic improvement.[38]
Fosdick,
one of the most eloquent American
Protestant statesmen of his
time, had grudgingly supported
America’s entry into the war
but came out of it a confirmed
pacifist. Reflecting the utter
disillusionment the war wrought
on many religionists, Fosdick
listed several elements in
his vision of warning for the
future: “There is nothing glamorous
about war any more,” “war is
not a school for virtue any
more,” “there is no limit to
the methods of killing in war
any more,” “there are no limits
to the cost of war any more,” “there
is no possibility of sheltering
any portion of the population
from the direct effect of war
any more,” and “we cannot reconcile
Christianity and war any more.”[39] Every effort must be made to avoid
such a future calamity. He,
like many others, was bitterly
disappointed by America’s refusal
to ratify the Versailles Peace
Treaty and enter the League
of Nations. As one commentary
said, “God won the war and
the devil won the peace.”[40]
Joseph F. Smith’s Visions of the Dead
Worn
out by a long life of devoted
Church service and worn down
in sorrow with the recent deaths
of several members of his immediate
family, Joseph F. Smith, though
a loving soul, knew all about
grief. “I lost my father when
I was but a child,” he once
said. “I lost my mother, the
sweetest soul that ever lived,
when I was only a boy. I have
buried one of the loveliest
wives that ever blessed the
lot of man, and I have buried
thirteen of my more than forty
children. . . . And it has
seemed to me that the most
promising, the most helpful,
and, if possible, the sweetest
and purest and the best have
been the earliest called to
rest.”[41] Speaking of the loss of one of his
former polygamist wives, Sarah
E., and, shortly thereafter,
of his daughter Zina, he said: “I
cannot yet dwell on the scenes
of the recent past. Our hearts
have been tried to the core.
Not that the end of mortal
life has come to two of the
dearest souls on earth to me,
so much as at the sufferings
of our loved ones, which we
were utterly powerless to relieve.
Oh! How helpless is mortal
man in the face of sickness
unto death!”[42]
His
daughter’s death triggered
four of the most revealing
discourses ever given by a
Latter-day Saint leader on
the doctrines of death, the
spirit world, and the resurrection.
As one noted scholar put it: “It
is doubtful if in any given
period of like duration in
the entire history of The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints so much detail as to
the nature of the life after
death has been given to any
other prophet of this dispensation.”[43] All were well received by the membership
and extended hope and comfort
to those who had lost loved
ones or who might be asked
to sacrifice family members
in times of peace or of conflict.
The war, raging loud and cruel,
served as a vivid backdrop
to these emerging doctrines.
On
6 April 1916, with the battles
of Verdun and the Somme very
much dominating the daily news,
he gave a talk entitled “In
the Presence of the Divine.” In
it he spoke of the very thin
veil separating the living
and the dead. Speaking of Joseph
Smith, Brigham Young, Wilford
Woodruff, and his other predecessors,
he preached the doctrine that
the dead, those who have gone
on before, “are as deeply interested
in our welfare today, if not
with greater capacity, with
far more interest, behind the
veil, than they were in the
flesh. I believe they know
more. . . . Although some may
feel and think that it is a
little extreme to take this
view, yet I believe that it
is true.” He went on to say, “We
cannot forget them; we do not
cease to love them; we always
hold them in our hearts, in
memory, and thus we are associated
and united to them by ties
that we cannot break.”[44]
President
Smith taught that death was
neither sleep nor annihilation;
rather, death involved a change
into another world where the
spirits of those once here
can be solicitous of our welfare, “can
comprehend better than ever
before, the weaknesses that
are liable to mislead us into
dark and forbidden paths.”[45]
Two
years later, speaking at a
meeting in Salt Lake City in
February 1918, he spoke additional
words of comfort and consolation,
particularly to those who had
lost children or whose youthful
sons were dying overseas. “The
spirits of our children are
immortal before they come to
us,” he began,
and their spirits after bodily death are like they were before
they came. They are as they
would have appeared if they
had lived in the flesh, to
grow to maturity, or to develop
their physical bodies to the
full stature of their spirits.
. . . [Furthermore,] Joseph
Smith taught the doctrine that
the infant child that was laid
away in death would come up
in the resurrection as a child;
and, pointing to the mother
of a lifeless child, he said
to her: “You will have the
joy, the pleasure and satisfaction
of nurturing this child, after
its resurrection, until it
reaches the full stature of
its spirit.”. . . It speaks
volumes of happiness, of joy
and gratitude to my soul.[46]
Two
months later, having recovered
from illness sufficiently to
speak at the April 1918 general
conference of the Church, he
gave a talk entitled “A Dream
That Was a Reality.” In it,
he recounted a particularly
poignant and unforgettable
dream he had experienced sixty-five
years earlier as a very young
missionary in Hawaii, a dream-vision
that dramatically influenced
the rest of his life. He spoke
of seeing his father, Hyrum,
his mother, Mary, Joseph Smith,
and several others who had
ushered him into a mansion
after he had bathed and cleansed
himself. “That vision, that
manifestation and witness that
I enjoyed that time has made
me what I am,” he confessed. “When
I woke up I felt as if I had
been lifted out of a slum,
out of despair, out of the
wretched condition that I was
in. . . . I know that that
was reality, to show me my
duty, to teach me something,
and to impress upon me something
that I cannot forget.”[47]
Just
weeks before, on 23 January,
his Apostle son, Hyrum, then
only forty-five years of age,
was struck down in his prime
by a ruptured appendix. It
was a devastating blow from
which Joseph F. never fully
recovered, compounded as it
was with the further sorrowful
news of the death of his daughter-in-law
and Hyrum’s wife, Ida Bowman
Smith, just a few months thereafter.
Wrote Talmage in behalf of
the Twelve: “Our great concern
has been over the effect the
great bereavement will have
upon President Joseph F. Smith,
whose health has been far from
perfect for months past. This
afternoon he spent a little
time in the office of the First
Presidency, and we find him
bearing up under the load with
fortitude and resignation.”[48] Sick and intermittently
confined to bed rest for several
months afterwards, he had rallied
sufficiently to speak briefly
in the October general conference
of the Church, long enough
to proclaim his particular
message of peace to a war-weary
world.[49]
He
spoke of having lately received,
while pondering on the Biblical
writings of the Apostle Peter,
another, ultimately his final,
vision of the dead. While meditating
upon these things, he said
he “saw the hosts of the dead,
both small and great,” those
who had died “firm in the hope
of a glorious resurrection,” waiting
in a state of paradise for
their ultimate redemption and
resurrection. Suddenly, the “Son
of God appeared, declaring
liberty to the captives who
had been faithful.” Choosing
not to go Himself to the wicked
and unfaithful dead who waited
in the more nether realms of
the spirit world, Christ organized
a great missionary force among
His most faithful followers,
dispatching them to minister
and teach the gospel of Jesus
Christ to “all the spirits
of men,” those who had been
less faithful and obedient
in their mortal lives, including,
as Peter writes, “those who
were sometime disobedient” in
the days of Noah and the great
flood. In addition, he saw
many of the ancient prophets,
including Adam and Eve, involved
in this spirit prison ministry
of redemption. Likewise, “the
faithful elders of this dispensation” were
called to assist. His vision
closed with the declaration
that the dead “who repent will
be redeemed, through obedience
to the ordinances of the house
of God . . . after they have
paid the penalty of their transgressions.”[50]
Whereas
his earlier discourses have
remained memorable sermons,
this sixty-verse document was
immediately sustained, in the
words of James E. Talmage,
as “the word of the Lord” by
his counselors in the First
Presidency and by the Quorum
of the Twelve.[51] For reasons not entirely clear, though
widely read in the Church,
the document was not formally
accepted as canonized scripture
for almost sixty years. Then,
in 1976, President Spencer
W. Kimball directed that it
be added to the Pearl of Great
Price.[52] Later, in June 1979,
the First Presidency announced
it would become section 138
of the Doctrine and Covenants.
Considered an indispensable
contribution to a fuller understanding
of temple work—especially in
an age of very active temple
construction—the performances
of proxy ordinances for the
dead, including baptism for
the dead and confirmation,
and of the relationship between
the living and the dead, it
has been heralded as “central
to the theology of the Latter-day
Saints because it confirms
and expands upon earlier prophetic
insights concerning work of
the dead.”[53] Others
have written elsewhere about
the contributions of this document
to Mormon temple work.[54]
Because
this document is far more than
a mere sermon to the faithful
Latter-day Saint and because
it is regarded as the word
and will of the Lord—in fact,
it is the only canonized revelation
of the twentieth century—it
bears careful scrutiny. And,
as a wartime document, it may
have other meanings and applications
not plumbed before.
For
instance, although a discourse
on the dead, it owed nothing
to spiritualism. It is a matter
of record that public interest
in the dead and in communicating
with the dead peaked during
and immediately following the
war. In 1918, Arthur Conan
Doyle of Sherlock Holmes fame
published his book, New
Revelation, on the subject
of psychical research and phenomena,
bemoaning the decline in church
attendance in England and of
Christianity generally and
proclaiming a new religion,
a new revelation. He urged
a belief not in the fall of
man or in Christ’s redemption
as the basis of faith but in
the validity of “automatic
writings,” séances, and other
expressions of spiritualism
as a new universal religion
and of communicating with lost
loved ones—or, as he put it, “the
one provable thing connected
with every religion, Christian
or non-Christian, forming the
common solid basis upon which
each raises, if it must needs
raise, that separate system
which appeals to the varied
types of mind.”[55]
In
contrast, President Smith’s
vision was very much Christ
centered, a reiteration of
the Savior’s Atonement for
a fallen world. Though he certainly
believed that “we move and
have our being in the presence
of heavenly messengers and
heavenly beings” and though
the dead may even transcend
the veil and appear unto loved
ones, if so authorized, he
steered the Church away from
any hint of spiritualism.[56] Latter-day Saints were
to seek after the dead—that
is, their spiritual welfare—rather
than to seek the dead.
His
revelation also reaffirmed
the Christian belief in Adam
and Eve and in a divine creation,
for, in President Smith’s words,
he saw “Father Adam, the Ancient
of Days, and father of all” as
well as “our glorious Mother
Eve” (D&C 138:38–39). Though
nothing is said specifically
about evolution and the caustic,
contemporary debates of the
time over the origin of the
species, these verses very
simply restated the doctrines
of the Church on this subject
without argument or ambiguity.
Likewise,
in an age of higher criticism
with its attack on the authenticity
and authority of the Bible,
the revelation reestablished,
for Latter-day Saints at least,
a twentieth-century belief
in the primacy and authority
of scripture, a belief in the
writings of Peter, a belief
in Noah and the flood not as
allegory but as actual event,
and, by extension, a renewed
belief in the entire Old and
New Testaments. For a Church
oft times criticized for its
belief in additional scripture,
if nothing else, section 138
is a classic declaration of
Biblical authority for modern
times.[57]
The
vision may also be important
for what it does not say. There
is no discussion of peace treaties,
no references to ecumenism
or the interchurch movements
of the times, no calls for
social repentance and the social
gospel. Neither prowar nor
pacifist, it says nothing about
cultural or nationalistic superiorities.
The problem of evil is reduced
to redeemable limits; and although
man will always reap what he
sows, there is still hope and
redemption. Meanwhile, the
Church retains its own mission
as the gospel of Jesus Christ
upon the earth as preestablished
in its restoration a century
earlier.
Finally,
it proclaimed God’s intimate
involvement in the affairs
of humankind and His benevolent
interest in His children. Steering
the Church away from the yawning
secularism that stood to envelope
many other faiths in the postwar
era, President Smith spoke
confidently, above all, about
Christ and His triumphant victory
over sin and death.[58] To
the utter waste and sheer terror
of the just-concluded catastrophe,
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